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- MakaleAmerican Journal of Archaeology (AJA) · 2026 · Cilt 130 · s. 547-573
Divus Hadrianus, Divus Constantius Chlorus, and the Apotheosis of Hercules: The Tondo Reliefs of the Arch of Constantine
Susan WoodProfessor Emerita. Oakland University. Rochester, Michigan.
- MakaleAmerican Journal of Archaeology (AJA) · 2026 · Cilt 130 · s. 575-618
Castellaraccio di Monteverdi (Civitella Paganico, Grosseto): A Deserted Medieval Village of the Ardenghesca
Alessandro SebastianiAlessandro CarabiaCleo BarbafieraMassimo De BenettiMarta De PariMatteo PencoLuisa RussoAlessandra SerraDepartment of Classics. University at Buffalo (SUNY). niversity of Newcastle. alessandro.carabia@newcastle.ac.ukIn Terra Veritas GmbH (Weiden in der Oberpfalz). cleobarbafiera@hotmail.itIndependent Scholar. massimo.debenetti@gmail.comUniversity of Bari Aldo Moro. depari.2028071@studenti.uniroma1.itIndependent Scholar. penco.matteo1995@gmail.comIndependent Scholar. luisa.russo@unisi.itUniversity of Rome Tor Vergata. serra@lettere.uniroma2.it
- MakaleAmerican Journal of Archaeology (AJA) · 2026 · Cilt 130 · s. 499-520
Shopping Local and Trusted Traders: Identifying Production Zones and Trade Routes of Northern Italian Terra Sigillata Using Similarity Indices
James PageBritish School at Rome. Rome, Italy.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 697-742Açık erişim
The Situation and Activities of the Turkish Embassy during the Chinese Civil War
Engin Çağdaş Bulut
The first step in establishing diplomatic missions between Turkey and China was taken in 1929 with the opening of a legation in Nanjing. Closed after about two years for economic reasons, it was reopened in Chongqing in 1939, where it was affected by the Japanese occupation and the Chinese Civil War. The mission, elevated to embassy status in 1943, was relocated to Nanjing following the end of the war with Japan and the Nationalist Government of China’s transfer of its capital there. Turkey’s first ambassador to China was Hulusi Fuad Tugay. As communist forces approached Nanjing in early 1949, the embassy’s chief secretary was sent to Canton as a precaution against any adverse development, establishing a second diplomatic mission under the Nanjing Embassy. When Nanjing fell to communist forces and foreign embassies there were besieged, the Turkish Embassy was also adversely affected. Diplomats from countries that did not recognize the People’s Republic of China were treated as ordinary individuals, and the privileges granted to diplomats under international relations were disregarded. Under these conditions, the Nanjing Embassy, which had tried to continue its activities, relocated first to Hong Kong as the situation became dangerous, and was later abolished. Having very few Turkish citizens under their jurisdiction during their time in China, Turkish diplomats focused mainly on preparing reports on China’s internal, foreign, and military affairs, occasionally addressing the Türkistan (Xinjiang) region in these reports as well. They also engaged in activities related to negotiations over the friendship treaty between the two countries and to economic and commercial relations. They further worked to preserve a positive image of Turkey in China and to advocate for the Turkish position on the Straits issue. This study examines the status and activities of Turkey’s diplomatic missions and representatives in China during the Civil War, based primarily on primary sources, most notably the Turkish Diplomatic Archives, which has only recently been opened to research.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 647-696Açık erişim
The Union of Primary School Teachers (1919-1925)
Sena Coşğun Kandal
The adoption and institutionalisation of modern education systems in the Ottoman Empire led to a transformation of the teaching profession, which gradually moved away from its traditional structure and evolved into a status group in the Weberian sense. This transformation brought with it a range of problems related to the legal rights, professional status, working conditions, and public recognition of teachers. Following the Second Constitutional Era, teachers began forming unions to protect their rights, express their demands collectively, and assert their social standing. This study examines one such early example of professional organisation, the Mekâtib-i İbtidâîye Muallimleri Cemiyeti, established during the late Ottoman period. No comprehensive research has been conducted on this union and its activities to date. Using document analysis, the study explores the union’s foundation, activities and dissolution based on its regulation, archival documents, newspapers and journals of the period. In addition, by presenting the transcription of the union’s regulation, which are currently not available in library catalogues, it aims to contribute to the literature on the history of education. The findings show that the union aimed to address issues such as irregular salaries, demanding working conditions, professional rights, improvements in primary education and the reinforcement of professional solidarity and prestige among teachers. Through congresses, meetings and public events, the union acted in an organised manner to respond to shortcomings in the educational system. The union, which was dissolved in 1925 through its merger with the Türkiye Muallimler Birliği, represents a distinctive example of professional organisation during the transition from Empire to Republic.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 603-646Açık erişim
The Claims of Greek Patriarchate and Bulgarian Exarchate Related to the 1912 Elections in the Provinces of Thessaloniki and Bitola and Their Demands for the Renewal of The Electoral System
Nuran Koltuk
Elections, which have become indispensable for the participation of the people in administration in today’s political life, have developed in parallel with the emergence of new forms of government after the French Revolution. The Ottoman State also changed its system of government with the declaration of the First Constitutional Monarchy and experienced its first general elections. The 1912 elections were the second general elections of the Second Constitutional Monarchy Period. The 1912 elections, which are called the shadiest elections in the political history of the Ottoman State, took place under the rule of the Union and Progress and under the tension of the political atmosphere. The Unionists, who did not want to lose power, ensured that the elections were held ahead of time by taking advantage of the loopholes in the laws and used all the means of the state to prevent the opposition from entering the Parliament as much as they could. The elections took place in a harsh environment in Thessaloniki and Bitola, as they did throughout the country. In fact, Macedonia, where both provinces were located, was the place where the Constitutional Monarchy was proclaimed and the center from which the Union and Progress drew its power. However, among the non-Muslims in the region, with whom the Union and Progress had initially established good relations, the opposition against the Union and Progress gradually reached its peak. Therefore, the Union and Progress resorted to various methods to prevent opposition non-Muslims from being elected in Thessaloniki and Bitola. Greeks and Bulgarians made many claims about the elections. This study uses archive documents to address the claims of the Greeks and Bulgarians in the Thessaloniki and Bitola provinces regarding irregularities in the 1912 elections and their demands for a new electoral system.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 563-602Açık erişim
A Banker in the Ottoman Empire on the Eve of World War I: Sir Ernest Cassel and His Activities
Mustafa Can Güripek
This study focuses on the activities of Sir Ernest Cassel, one of the key actors in the international financial-political landscape leading up to World War I. Operating between the late 19th century and the early 20th century, Cassel established an extensive business network spanning from Japan to Egypt and from Uruguay to Russia, emerging as a globally influential banker. While this article examines Cassel’s global financial operations, its primary focus is on his activities within the Ottoman Empire. In the years preceding World War I, the increasing French and German influence in the Ottoman financial sector raised concerns for Britain, which sought to protect and expand its interests in the region. As Britain reassessed its economic and political ties with the Ottoman Empire, it intensified its presence in Ottoman financial affairs. At this juncture, Cassel, a figure with strong ties to the British aristocracy and business circles, played a pivotal role. In 1909, he led the establishment of the National Bank of Turkey, a move aligned with Britain’s strategy to counterbalance the growing financial influence of France and Germany in the empire. Acting as a key proponent of British interests, Cassel became a dominant figure in the Ottoman financial sector, securing major projects such as loans to the Istanbul Municipality, the modernization of the ports of Trabzon and Samsun, and the financing of the Reşadiye Dreadnought. Additionally, Ottoman petroleum resources, constituted another area of Cassel’s investments. This study also examines Cassel’s involvement in the Turkish Petroleum Company and the strategic maneuvers he executed in alignment with British state interests.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 519-562Açık erişim
Scenarios of Revolution from the Mediterranean to the Balkans: Transnational Revolutionary Movements and Garibaldini in the Ottoman Empire after the Crimean War
Özhan Kapıcı
The impact of the 1848 Revolutions was deeply felt in the Ottoman Empire throughout the 1860s. In the aftermath of the Crimean War, the decline of Russian political prestige encouraged revolutionary movements in the Balkans to forge new alliances with trans-imperial and revolutionary adventurers. Garibaldi’s campaign against the Austrian Empire for the liberation of Venice during this period had significant ideological and political ramifications for the Balkan Peninsula. The volunteers who played crucial roles in the Italian unification wars provided a fresh model of resistance and organization for local revolutionary movements within the Ottoman Balkans. The Garibaldini introduced their political and paramilitary frameworks, developed in opposition to the Austrian Empire, into the Balkans, confronting the Ottoman Empire with a transnational revolutionary movement. Composed of revolutionaries from various nations, the Garibaldini posed a considerable threat to Ottoman provinces in the Balkans. As their influence and popularity grew, they sought political alliances with local insurgents, thereby initiating ideological and organizational transformations within local socio-political movements. Consequently, many of these movements came to be reorganized around revolutionary committees. The interaction between local and national revolutionary committees and the transnational Garibaldian movement was especially evident during the Montenegrin, Bosnia-Herzegovinian, Serbian, Macedonian, and Cretan crises faced by the Ottoman Empire in the 1860s. Furthermore, some European revolutionaries who had served in the Ottoman military following the 1848 Revolutions aligned themselves with anti-Ottoman movements associated with Garibaldi, thereby shifting their political loyalties. This article explores the revolutionary strategies employed by the Garibaldini and highlights the transnational character of local revolutionary movements in the Balkans during the 1860s.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 487-518Açık erişim
Preserving A Precarious Neutrality: The Ottoman Empire and the Hundred Days Crisis
Mustafa Serdar Palabıyık
This article analyzes how the Ottoman ruling elite attempted to maintain their traditional policy of neutrality during the Hundred Days Crisis, which occurred between Napoleon Bonaparte’s escape from Elba and his second abdication following the Battle of Waterloo in 1815. During this volatile period, the Ottomans found themselves caught between the Allied powers, which demanded Ottoman alignment with the coalition formed against Napoleon, and Napoleon himself, who sent an envoy to the Porte to secure Ottoman recognition of his emperorship. Furthermore, the demonstrations and symbolic actions of Bonapartist French diplomats in the Ottoman capital and its periphery, such as displaying Bonaparte’s flag and wearing his imperial decorations and symbols on their clothing and diplomatic premises, led to diplomatic crises between the Ottomans and the French embassy, involving other diplomatic representations of the concerned European states. This article demonstrates that the Ottoman administration utilized its traditional policy of neutrality in European crises as a strategy to navigate these diplomatic incidents. Similar to the declaration of a republic in France after the Revolution (1792) and Napoleon’s assumption of the title of Emperor (1804), during the Hundred Days Crisis, the Ottoman administration initially adopted a wait-and-see approach and then emphasized neutrality to avoid entanglement in intra-European conflicts. Drawing on Ottoman archival documents and biographical works on Pierre Ruffin, the capable chargé d’affaires of the French Embassy, the article argues that the Ottoman policy of neutrality aimed to achieve two objectives: (1) refraining from antagonizing Bonaparte by maintaining diplomatic contact with the existing staff of the French embassy, and (2) preventing any incidents that could jeopardize Ottoman relations with the anti-Bonapartist coalition. Both objectives appeared to be met thanks to the skillful diplomatic handling of the incidents.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 447-486Açık erişim
Books Donated by Hasan Agha, the Janissary Agha, to the Frontier Fortresses
Ayşenur Erdoğan
In the Ottoman state organization, members of the dynasty and high-ranking officers established foundations for the benefit of the people without expecting any material return. These foundations were mostly in the form of buildings such as mosques, madrasahs, zawiyahs and fountains. Some others chose to endow “books” for charity, one of them was Hasan Agha, who served as Janissary Agha between 1723-1730. Moreover, Hasan Agha, who was trained in the Janissary Corps, started donating books while he was the Turnacıbashı. As stated in the endowment deed, Turnacıbashı Hasan Agha placed these books in his masjid in Belgrade Castle for those who aspired to knowledge. In the inscription he left in each donated book, he stipulated that after use, the books must be returned to the hâfız-ı kütüp (library official) and must not be taken as pledge, sold, embezzled, or removed from Belgrade. When Belgrade was captured, he did not abandon the books to their fate, but relocated them to the more secure fortresses in Niš and Vidin and endowed them there. Afterwards, he continued to donate new artefacts to his collection in Vidin. During this period, when he was promoted to the rank of janissary agha and his responsibility for the Janissary Corps increased considerably, he did not neglect his collection, and gradually expanded the number of endowed books in Vidin over time. However, with the change in the political situation of the Ottoman Empire in Bulgaria in the XIXth century, Hasan Agha’s endowed books, like most of the books in Vidin, were first moved to Sofia. In 1888, they were brought to Istanbul and placed under the protection of Beyazıt Library.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 415-446Açık erişim
Safavid Campaign of Balkh (1602): Why Did Shah Abbas Fail?
Sertaç Sarıçiçek
Shah Abbas achieved many political and military successes during his reign, and with his administrative reforms, became a statesmen who restored the Safavid State to its former power. However, his successes also caused some of his poorly concluded military initiatives to be ignored. This article addresses the Balkh Campaign which can be an example of Shah Abbas’ failures, and attempts to analyze the military reasons underlying this defeat. Considering of information obtained from historical sources and research works, it is seen that Shah Abbas’ failure was due to a series of reasons, including the class distribution of the army, the problems experienced in the campaign organization, and the health problems arising from geographical conditions. Shah Abbas included a large number of infantry in his army in order to increase firepower, and accordingly, he lost the speed advantage of the traditional army structure based on cavalry. This led to a prolongation of the campaign period, which would endanger the army in terms of supply and food. In addition, it was determined that Shah Abbas had acted without knowing the enemy’s terrain well and that there were health problems on the way due to the inadequacy of water resources and their poor condition, and that the necessary precautions were not taken. The article also mentioned Shah Abbas’ weaknesses in the field of command, and explained how his hesitation and indecision in the face of difficult situations dragged the army to the brink of rout.
- MakaleBelleten · 2026 · Cilt 90 · s. 387-414Açık erişim
Two Unpublished Inscriptions of Sultan Izz al-din Kaykawus I Discovered in Sinop
Mahmut Demir
Sinop is an important Black Sea harbour city with a very deep-rooted historical past. It has historical and commercial ties especially with the port cities in the north of the Black Sea and other cities on the coasts. It is also one of Turkey’s gateways to the Black Sea. Due to its importance, it became one of the targets of the Seljuqs of Türkiye and was conquered in late 1214 under Sultan İzz al-din Kaykawus I. After the conquest, the Seljuqs carried out intensive repair and fortification activities in Sinop Castle, thus leaving permanent traces in the city. Thus, they turned Sinop into a Muslim-Turkish city. One of the most important traces of the Seljuqs of Türkiye in Sinop is the inscriptions they placed on the castle walls and bastions of the city. These inscriptions contain very valuable information about the Seljuqs of Türkiye. In 2021, during the restoration works carried out in cooperation with the Ministry of Culture and Tourism and the European Union in the Historical Prison located in Sinop Castle, two previously unpublished inscriptions were discovered, providing new data on both the history of the city of Sinop and the Seljuqs of Türkiye. These inscriptions reveal the Seljuq Amir Fahr al-din Ardamshah, whose name is not mentioned in the sources, and show that Mubariz al-din Behramshah, the Governor of Amasya, and his team carried out more repair and fortification works in Sinop than is known. With these two inscriptions, it is better understood how much area the Seljuqs of Türkiye carried out fortification and repair works in Sinop Castle. In our study, the Arabic texts and translations of the two new Seljuq inscriptions will be given, and the new information they provide will be evaluated in terms of Sinop and Seljuq History.
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